By Mohammed Ghobari and Tom Finn
SANAA | Wed May 9, 2012
(Reuters) - Yemen's fractured state and dysfunctional security
apparatus provide al Qaeda's franchise there with a perfect breeding ground for
bomb plots like the one the United States says it thwarted.
Nearly three years after Yemen's
then-leader Ali Abdullah Saleh agreed to a U.S. carte blanche against al Qaeda
in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), Islamists who fly its flag run parts of Yemen,
and Washington's partner in "counter-terrorism" is a new leadership
that faces criticism over Saleh's pact.
It has inherited the task of
stitching together a military that split into warring factions during a
14-month uprising that saw Saleh surrender power in February, and a
simultaneous U.S. demand to turn the armed forces against Islamists militants.
Meanwhile, tribal leaders in parts
of Yemen where drone attacks aimed at AQAP have killed civilians say the
strikes are turning more and more people against the government and Washington.
The drone war, said one commander
of fighters targeting Ansar al-Sharia, now risks enhancing the group's status.
"The tribe... is stronger
than the state, and if the American raids continue and expand it will lead to
sympathy in society with al Qaeda, particularly if there are civilian
victims," said Salem al-A'wash, a tribal leader in Shabwa province.
Al-A'wash, whose fighters are from
a region that Anwar al-Awlaki - a U.S. citizen assassinated by a CIA drone last
year over his alleged role in a previous AQAP bomb plot - also hails from -
warned air attacks also alienated the group's enemies.
"The tribes do not encourage
extremism, but they also don't accept the American army carrying out operations
on their land."
MILITARY SPLITS
A senior official of Yemen's
government - which said it had no role in a sting operation U.S. officials say
delivered a sophisticated bomb, reportedly into the hands of an agent of Saudi
intelligence - pointed to the military splits as a factor empowering AQAP.
[ID:nL5E8G98ZH]
"We face grave security
challenges because of the split in the military which grew out of the political
crisis, and that has enabled al Qaeda to spread, seize territory and train its
members in safe zones," the official said.
The safe zones referred to parts
of two provinces where Islamists pledging allegiance to al Qaeda seized
territory last year, as mass protests against Saleh gained momentum.
The ease with which gunmen dubbing
themselves Ansar al-Sharia moved on southern territory sparked charges of
collusion with Saleh, who was quoted in leaked U.S. diplomatic correspondence
from 2009 offering an "open door on terrorism".
The precise relationship between
Ansar al-Sharia and AQAP remains unclear, but the group released captive
solders on the orders of Nassser al-Wahayshi, AQAP's leader and one-time aide
to Osama bin Laden.
It also raises the al Qaeda
standard over the towns it controls, and in February executed three men its
religious tribunal in Abyan province condemned for spying on behalf of Saudi
intelligence and facilitating U.S. drone strikes.
A video the group distributed
subsequently showed gunmen leading a shackled, blindfolded captive and forcing
him to kneel before a crowd. The men were ultimately beheaded, residents of the
area said.
The group's literature, silent on
the transnational aspirations of al Qaeda, emphasizes its role in providing
services and security to a region where the central government's presence is
negligible.
Its newsletters identify the
relatives of civilians killed in air strikes against alleged al Qaeda members,
and document its mounting victories against Yemen's armed forces.
HEAVY WEAPONS
These include a suicide attack on
a "counter-terrorism" unit hours after President Abd-Rabbu Mansour
Hadi was sworn in, the killing of some 100 government troops and the seizure of
heavy weapons in March, and an ambush this week in which the group claims it
took 28 soldiers hostage.
Its advances - and a stepped-up
campaign of U.S. drone attacks since Hadi took office - have inspired some
local militia to move against the group, in part because of the risk its
presence may draw U.S. attacks and civilian casualties.
They point to the potential
fallout from a campaign the Yemeni government's U.S. backers are urging it to
prosecute.
"We are fighting these people
because they are using our towns and villages as a strategy to fight the
government. When the army attacks, they bombard the towns with air strikes and
many civilians are killed," said Saeed al-Dhailie, head of one such militia
in Abyan.
"Drone strikes by America
kill our civilians and make it harder for us to fight Ansar Al-Sharia. They are
gaining more support from locals because they tell them that we are fighting
the Americans not the government," he said.