Change Square: The heart of Yemen's creative revolution

Sana'a, June 19, 2011- For the past four months, a square in Yemen's capital Sanaa has been transformed into a sea of tents, flags and banners.

Protesters who oppose the 33-year rule of President Ali Abdullah Saleh have gathered outside Sanaa University in an area they have dubbed Change Square.

There they sleep, eat, chat and chant together, all the while peacefully calling for the end of a regime they view as corrupt and oppressive.

And the site has become a centre for artistic and creative expression on a scale rarely seen before the uprising.

Art for the people

Fadi Alharby is a painter who, like many other artists in Yemen, worked in isolation under the strict regime.

He has come here to find other like-minded creatives and to take part in a revolutionary movement inspired in part by freedom of expression.

"Many people think the revolution in Yemen is based on violence," he says, "but for me it is based on art, because art is a human right, it is freedom."

The uprising has in fact been marred by violence. After months of largely peaceful protest, the country was pushed to the brink of civil war in late May, when fighting erupted between government forces and tribal leaders, reducing parts of Sanaa to ruin and killing hundreds of people.

But this is in sharp contrast to the peaceful scenes at Change Square, where art helps to bring people together.

"Art has really taken a central role in the square, especially since the revolution has taken over three months", says activist Atiaf Alwazir, who has become a voice of the revolution through her English-language blog, Woman from Yemen.

"The people need entertainment, people need motivation and that is what the art is giving to them. It's inspiring them to stay, to do more," she told the BBC World Service's The Strand programme.

Whereas in the past, art exhibits were rare, the few that were held only attracted affluent Yemenis or foreigners. Now artists of all types have come forward to exhibit their work on the street.

'Enough injustice'

The tented community has become a centre not just for drawing and painting, but for music, dance and theatre too.

One group of youth toured the campsite to interview protesters about their experiences in the square and their feelings on the problems facing Yemen.

They then wrote a play - called Enough Injustice - and performed it inside a tent packed full of people. It was an instant hit, and they have been asked to repeat the performance again and again.

In a daring move, one young actor imitates the voice of the president - the significance of which is not lost on Alwazir.

"Normally this is a very red line," she says, "but in the square he felt safe to do that."

The movement at Change Square is not the only gathering of people in the city.

While the protesters there set off fireworks and danced to celebrate the departure of the president to Saudi Arabia - where he went to seek medical treatment after being wounded in attack on his compound - his supporters also staged a rally, calling for his return.

Which movement will win in the end is hard to determine, but Alwazir has no doubt that the tide of freedom flowing through Change Square will be difficult to reverse.

"There is no comparison between before the revolution and now," she says.

"People feel empowered."

Source: BBC

Yemen’s Unfinished Revolution

By TAWAKKOL KARMAN

June 18, 2011

Sana, Yemen

AFTER more than five months of continuous protests, I stand today in Change Square with thousands of young people united by a lofty dream. I have spent days and nights camped out in tents with fellow protesters; I have led demonstrations in the streets facing the threat of mortars, missiles and gunfire; I have struggled to build a movement for democratic change — all while caring for my three young children.

We have reached this historic moment because we chose to march in the streets demanding the resignation of President Ali Abdullah Saleh, an end to his corrupt and failed regime and the establishment of a modern democratic state. On June 4, our wish for Mr. Saleh’s departure was granted, but our demand for democracy remains unfulfilled.

Following months of peaceful protests that reached every village, neighborhood and street, Yemen is now facing a complete vacuum of authority; we are without a president or parliament. Mr. Saleh may be gone, but authority has not yet been transferred to a transitional presidential council endorsed by the people.

This is because the United States and Saudi Arabia, which have the power to ensure a peaceful transition to democracy in Yemen, have instead used their influence to ensure that members of the old regime remain in power and the status quo is maintained. American counterterrorism agencies and the Saudi government have a firm grip on Yemen at the moment. It is they, not the Yemeni people and their constitutional institutions, that control the country.

American intervention in Yemen is a product of the war on terror. In exchange for military and intelligence partnerships established after the bombing of the American destroyer Cole in 2000, the United States provided the Saleh regime with increased economic aid and military assistance. Because American security was given priority over all other concerns, counterterrorism agencies paid no attention to the human rights abuses being committed by their local partners.

Indeed, American officials chose as local partners the Central Security Forces, the National Security Agency and the Republican Guard, all of which are controlled by Mr. Saleh’s sons and nephews. As a result of their partnership with United States counterterrorism agencies, these organizations received generous American financing as well as guidance and technical assistance.

Because America has invested so heavily in Yemen’s security forces, it now seems that a transition to democracy will depend on whether Washington believes that investment will remain secure. The establishment of a new government will therefore be contingent on American officials’ approving the country’s new leaders. Sadly, it seems likely that the United States will support figures from the old regime rather than allow a transitional government approved by the people to take control of Yemen. This would be a grave mistake.

American policy makers must understand that the activists and young people who started Yemen’s peaceful revolution deeply respect the United States and Western civilization. Indeed, it was in Washington and other capitals throughout the free world that many of these activists learned the peaceful methods they employed during our revolution.

We call on American officials to engage with the leaders of Yemen’s democracy movement and abandon their misplaced investment in the old regime’s security apparatus, which has killed more innocent women and children than terrorists.

We understand America’s concerns about terrorism and recognize your right to attack terrorist sanctuaries. We have no objection to agreements that protect your security interests. We only ask that you respect international standards on human rights and the Yemeni people’s rights to freedom and justice.

On behalf of many of the young people involved in Yemen’s revolution, I assure the American people that we are ready to engage in a true partnership. Together, we can eliminate the causes of extremism and the culture of terrorism by bolstering civil society and encouraging development and stability.

We also call upon our Saudi neighbors to let us pursue a democratic path. For 50 years, the Saudi government has provided a special committee of its ministers with an enormous annual budget to intervene in Yemeni affairs. Over the years, this committee has consistently meddled in Yemen’s domestic politics and exerted considerable influence over the country’s development. In many cases, Yemeni tribal leaders and other prominent individuals have received far more generous aid payments from Riyadh than from the Yemeni government.

Saudi interference in Yemen is also motivated by a fear that the Arab Spring, which spread from Tunis and Cairo to Sana, might soon reach Riyadh. But the fear that our revolution will cross the border is unfounded. This is an information age revolution; it spreads through Facebook, Twitter and other social media, which are not subject to political boundaries.

We ask our neighbors in Saudi Arabia to stop hindering the rule of law and healthy economic development through the purchase of politicians and tribal leaders. We also call on the Saudi government to stop pursuing policies that undermine the people’s desire for democratic change. Saudi initiatives that aim to remove the president while keeping the old regime and its security apparatus intact risk unleashing a civil war, which would no doubt have dire consequences for Saudi Arabia as well as for Yemen.

The young people of this revolution have made their demands clear: authority must be handed over to a transitional presidential council approved by the people. This council will manage the country until a constitutional referendum and elections can be held. And the government’s security forces must never again be used to serve the personal agendas of government officials or to establish a monopoly on power.

Yemen’s people have charted the course of revolution and we will follow this course to its end. We have left our authoritarian past behind. Now, we ask our friends in Washington and Riyadh to help us build a democratic future.

Tawakkol Karman, a leader of Yemen’s democratic youth movement, is the founder of Women Journalists Without Chains. This article was translated by Garrett Davidson from the Arabic.

Source: the New York Times

Yemen's stand-in leader lacks political experience

Mohammed al Qadhi

Jun 19, 2011

SANA'A // Abdrabuh Mansur Hadi had spent most of his career in the military until he was elected secretary general for the ruling General People's Congress in 2008. Three years later he is running a country on the brink of civil war while President Ali Abdullah Saleh recovers in Saudi Arabia following a June 3 assassination attempt.

"He has no political experience and when he was involved in political issues, he was just acting as a firefighter for problems of Saleh - like when he was sent to sort out the separatists' problems in the south, though he did not succeed," Ahmed al Zurkah, an independent analyst and freelance writer, said yesterday.

Born in the southern province of Abyan in 1945, Mr Hadi graduated in 1964 from a military school in Aden. He went to Great Britain, Egypt and Russia for additional military study and training. Mr Hadi was the leader of an armoured division until the independence of South Yemen from Britain in 1967.

He later became the chief of the supply department at the defence ministry and then the assistant chief of general staff in the former south republic.

During the civil war in 1994, Mr Hadi was appointed Yemen's defence minister.

Mr Saleh named him vice president in 1994 in part to demonstrate that southerners were still partners in the united country after the south's socialist leaders were forced into exile.

After months of mass protests calling for an end to Mr Saleh's 33 years of rule and fighting in recent weeks between government forces and tribesmen, the burden is now on Mr Hadi to stop the country plunging into conflict.

The main opposition coalition, the Joint Meeting Parties, the youth-led protest movement and the tribal leaders are pushing Mr Hadi to facilitate the transition of power from Mr Saleh as quickly as possible. "We will be able to overcome this exceptional situation with the co-operation of all political parties and civil-society organisations," Mr Hadi was quoted as saying by the state news agency, Saba, during a meeting this month with the minister of industry and commerce and business leaders.

Mr Hadi has the support of the opposition and many of the protesters. But the ruling party leaders and Mr Saleh's relatives have refused any talks on power transfer until Mr Saleh returns from Saudi Arabia.

Mr Saleh's son, Ahmed, leads the Republican Guards, an elite army regiment. Other relatives maintain senior positions in the military and security forces.

"He is in the middle of the hammer and the bench," Sultan al Atwani, a leader of the opposition, told the Washington Post. "Parts of the regime, the sons and nephews, do not see him as legitimate. They see him only as the vice- president until the president comes back."

Most telling is the fact that Ahmed Ali Saleh has moved into the presidential palace, not Mr Hadi.

Last week opposition leaders met Mr Hadi and two senior governing party officials at his Sana'a home in the first known meeting between the sides since the beginning of the year.Mr Hadi "is known for his wisdom and his tendency to compromise. His strength lies in the support of all opposition groups ... But his plight lies in the objection of his party and the relatives and cronies of Saleh ... They want him to remain just a watchdog till Saleh comes back," Mr al Zurkah said.

The US state department spokeswoman, Victoria Nuland, said this month the US government has "been encouraged that vice president Hadi has started some outreach to the opposition and started some dialogue. Because ... we believe that there is no time to lose in moving on to the democratic future that Yemen deserves."

So far Mr Hadi has publicly rejected any suggestions that he replace Mr Saleh. As acting president he has worked to keep a ceasefire in the capital with forces loyal to Sadeq al Ahmar, the head of Yemen's most powerful tribal confederation.

"The man is not looking to hold on to power. He has not got the tribe or military that can turn him into a dictator," Mr Zurkah said.

"Any pressure on Hadi might push him to quit and this will embroil the country into absolute power vacuum and a potential civil war."

Source: The National

Many possible scenarios in Yemen

The departure of the Yemeni president to Saudi Arabia has changed the balance of power and opened the way to different scenarios emerging of the country's future

Hassan Abou Taleb , Sunday 18 Jun 2011

After the forced departure of President Ali Abdullah Saleh from Yemen to Saudi Arabia to receive treatment for his injuries after an attack which targeted the presidential mosque earlier this month, the political scales and balance of power have substantially and imperatively changed.

For the first time in Yemen’s modern history, the vice president is exercising presidential powers in accordance to the constitution. The president is incapacitated and his deputy is authorised to rule according to Article 116 of the constitution, which states that the vice president will take over the powers of the presidency if the president is unable to carry out his duties.

The vice president is exercising his powers from his home rather than the presidential palace, which is still under the control of Saleh’s son, uncles and cousins since they are the chiefs of the Presidential Guard, the Special Forces and Central Security. This reveals the trials and tribulations that the vice president could face in the coming phase if his action is not approved by this camp, especially since it carries much political and military influence. If it does not agree with him, it is likely that matters will devolve into open military confrontation against those opposing the president’s return once he recovers.

These tribulations could be eased through international, regional and domestic recognition of the vice president since he is exercising constitutional rights on the one hand, and on the other because he is partially accepted as the leader of the interim period during which he will work with the opposition – especially those who are currently calling for a return to a civic regime which is accepted by the sweeping majority of Yemenis who took to the street demanding change. They all reject Saleh’s return in any way, shape or form.

One possible scenario is for Saleh to remain in Saudi Arabia as a president who was forced to leave the presidency, and a transitional phase which is acceptable to the opposition and the youth of change begins. This could have a partial positive outcome if security conditions proceed calmly or remain under control. The worst case scenario would be if Saleh insists on returning after convalescing to exercise his presidential powers, even if theoretically. This is certain to divide the country once again in a more polarised manner than before, because the new division will be tainted with feelings of revenge by all parties which may have been involved in the attack on the presidential palace, whether the sons of Al-Ahmar, whom Saleh mentioned by name as responsible for the attack, or Al-Qaeda or elements of the Yemeni Army who support the revolution.

The matter could evolve into a war where everyone is against everyone, making Yemen a model of a failed state whose institutes are in complete collapse, and where Yemeni citizens turn to their traditional loyalties such as tribe, region or doctrine for protection and continuity. The Yemeni army itself is divided among supporters and loyalists to the president and those who oppose him and support the revolution. Saleh’s return, if it happens, could usher in catastrophic results on many levels, including distracting the Armed Forces with in-fighting as Al-Qaeda gains more ground similar to what happened in Zanjibar in the governorate of Abeen.

The dividing line in Yemen appears to be between an internally split regime and a violent organisation which succeeded in controlling vital regions, which could be used as a launching pad for a network or state within a state that gives refuge to terrorist groups operating in the name of Islam. These conditions would encourage the supporters of the southern movement to directly move towards ending unity, and once again liberating South Yemen from the control of the North. This would be a move for partition which would certainly end what we have come to know as Yemen over the 20 years.

Another better scenario is also possible, namely that Saudi mediation succeeds in reviving the previously rejected Gulf initiative as a political means to ensure the peaceful transfer of power, especially that the proposal includes a clause which allows the vice president to take power and cooperate with the opposition during the interim period until the next presidential elections. Since fate has forced the transfer of power from the president to his deputy, there are only a few formalities left – most importantly that all parties accept the initiative and commit to its article, and that Saleh, his sons and family accept this transition without resistance or pursuit.

This should be followed by intense efforts to rebuild national conciliation to establish a new Yemen based on specific political and security steps according to an appropriate timeline. Such a scenario would safeguard Yemen against division, failure, war and confrontations on many levels. All these possible scenarios should make us as Arabs feel concerned about the pitfalls in Yemen, because whatever takes place there will have serious repercussions for its neighbours for a long time.

I believe now is an ideal moment for the Arab League to take action that complements Gulf efforts to restore the stature of the Gulf initiative, revive, activate and implement it, in a way that prevents the collapse or partition of Yemen. The starting point is to convince Saleh that returning to Yemen after recovery is not an option, and that he should urge his supporters to come to terms with the new situation. After that, Yemen should be left to its people to rebuild based on a vision of consensus in line with the spirit of the people seeking freedom and resisting all forms of tyranny.

Source: Ahram Online

Unrest Lays Off 60 Per Cent Of Yemen Private Sector Workers

Sana'a, June 18, 2011

Many Yemeni workers at the private sector have been laid off due to the month-long unrest which paralyzed trade and largely affected the national economy, alsahwa-yemen.net quoted economists as saying on Saturday.

The protests calling for the ouster of the regime also forced many businesses to close, the website said, adding that economists estimated the contracts of almost 60 per cent of the workers at the private sector were terminated.

Some companies were said to have given staffs unpaid vacations until the situation returns normal, it said.

Meantime, state employees complained of late pays and deductions from their salaries, as some public offices were said to have suspended salary rises or other funds allocated for their employees besides the main salaries.

The website cited a source at the private sector as saying that the political crisis in the country paralyzed trade and productive operations at the sector by 70 per cent.

It is worth to mention that casual market absorbs more that a million workers, most of whom have already lost their jobs due to the unrest.

Source: Yemen Post