Yemen: Two profiles in talent and leadership: Nadwa Al-Dawsari and Kamal Haglan

By Linda Stamato/NJ Voices

Sana'a- Mar 9, 2011- It may yet be too early to imagine how the successful protests in Tunisia and Egypt will play out in the Middle East (or when the dictatorship and the unrelenting assaults on the protesting people of Libya will end) but protests being held in Yemen and elsewhere in the region, suggest that the surge for change remains infectious and powerful.

Yemen’s “coffee revolution,” as an eclectic group of protestors have been calling their weekly demonstrations (noting Yemen’s major export), has intensified in recent days. Indeed, the weekly protests have turned into a continuous protest with the primary demand being the end of that nation’s long rule—32 years--by Ali Abdullah Saleh. The push for change culminated late last week with a “day of rage” and intensified calls, even from the president’s own tribe, for his ouster.

At the same time, the world is finally seeing Yemen as more than a place to link Osama Bin Laden, terrorism and Al Qaeda.

I know Yemen, not so much as an historian, or geographer, or a traveler to the region might, but, rather, as the fortunate teacher of two of its citizens. I want to introduce them to you. They provide reason to be optimistic about that nation’s chances. I think of them every day as I, and my colleagues here at Rutgers, hope that they and their families are safe.

Nadwa al-Dawsari and Kamal Haglan live in a country that, as noted, is not well understood. Over the course of the last several months, for example, a series of articles, that notably includes the New York Times Magazine article “Is Yemen the next Afghanistan?” (July 11, 2010) were simply the latest in contemporary news stories that create an impression of Yemen that often falls short of reality; news coverage, often part of coverage related to other places or events, is so limited in content and scope that it is difficult to appreciate the yearnings, talents and accomplishments of its people. (e.g. “Clinton Addresses Terrorism and Politics in Yemen," January 12, 2011, and “U.S. Plays Down Tensions with Yemen”, the New York Times, December 20, 2010.

I want to add some perspective to that impression.

First, Yemen, the country. It is the Arab world’s most impoverished nation. Its main source of income, oil, could run dry in a decade and the country is also rapidly running out of water. Much of the population suffers from malnutrition as well.

It’s future, though, may well rest in the hands of some of its most accomplished and passionate citizens. We, at Rutgers, have been privileged to come to know Nadwa Al-dawsari and Kamal Haglan, as they were Visiting Fellows at the Edward J. Bloustein School of Planning and Public Policy at Rutgers University and enrolled in courses at our School, including the one a colleague and I teach sjlsspring10.doc on negotiation and conflict resolution. Nadwa is presently the director of Partners Yemen, and Kamal is a prominent architect. Both live in Sana’a, Yemen’s capital city, where the demonstrations and protests are primarily taking place.

They came to Rutgers through the Hubert H. Humphrey Fellowship Program that provides a year of professional enrichment in the United States for experienced professionals from designated countries throughout the world. This program is often referred to as the “reverse Fulbright program” because it brings people here for study and experience rather than sending Americans abroad.

At the age of 36, Nadwa Al-Dawsari--featured in this issue of Rutgers' "Focus"--directs the organization she has created, Partners-Yemen, that works on the ground level to analyze, understand and help solve conflicts among the traditional tribes that are an integral part of Yemeni society. Her organization, which had a staff of 20 a year ago, is an affiliate of Partners for Democratic Change, a global network of centers that seek to settle disputes and empower ordinary citizens. Partners-Yemen works with women, runs programs that promote civil society institutions, develops “dialogue forums” to, among other emphases, prevent conflict over natural resources.

While Nadwa works to build and sustain the “human infrastructure,” Kamal Haglan devotes his time and considerable talents to preserving its physical one, particularly its rich, grand, historic structures. He is the chief architect in charge of the restoration of the grand mosque in Sana’a and is also the deputy team leader of the Social Fund for Development in Yemen. He is featured on a CBS segment that can be viewed here.

Kamal is expected to visit Rutgers this month and deliver a lecture on his work: “Ecologies in the Balance? The way forward--The Restoration of the Grand Mosque of Sana’a.” His talk is scheduled for the Special Events Forum at Rutgers' Edward J. Bloustein School of Planning and Public Policy, at 5:00, on March 29, 2100.

Kamal’s wife, Khadija, was also a Humphrey Fellow, in Cambridge, Massachusetts, at the same time that Kamal was at Rutgers. They are pictured here with their son, Hamzah.

This story is also about the value of a program like the Humphrey Fellowship Program, that creates opportunities for leaders and potential leaders of developing countries to spend a solid period of time in America, studying and interning and learning with peers and colleagues from around the world, in the classroom and outside of it. It is a valuable dimension of international relations. It recognizes that human relations, genuine connection with others and engagement in policy and planning contexts can lead, on the one hand, to an appreciation of American approaches and broadens the reach of our culture. At the same time, there is the important education of the Americans who come to know other histories and cultures, to appreciate and value people, in similar professions, from other areas of the world that are wanting to learn as much as they can to help their nations. The experience, I can attest, is a humble and rewarding one that, more often than not leads to establishing life-long relationships.

As I write this column, a "warning" has been issued by the U.S. State Department about travel to Yemen and U.S. citizens are being encouraged to consider leaving the country. The threat level is “extremely high.” The safety concerns extend, of course, to the citizens of Yemen. And, for my part, I fear for the safety and wellbeing of my friends, their families and their colleagues.

And, yet, as the Yemeni people continue to express their yearnings in protest, I see a future that may be far better for that nation because of the talents, convictions and efforts of its citizens, including, and especially, Nadwa and Kamal.

Source: NJ

Beautiful Arab Destinations vie for attention despite Unrest (PHOTOS)

By IBTimes Staff Reporter

Sana'a- Mar 9, 2011- The social and political crises in some of the Middle East countries have left national authorities warning against travel to the conflict-ridden nations.

From the anti-government protests in Egypt, Tunisia, Libya and Yemen to the violence in Jordan and Bahrain, the mayhem has hit tourism the most in all these nations.

However, there is a beautiful side too, of these Arabian countries that is being veiled by the recent uprisings seeking reforms in governance.

Despite travel warnings, some sites are worth to keep in mind, in case tourists wish to travel there next time.

Start the slideshow to see places depicting the diverse culture and rich history of the countries, which are going through a phase of political turmoil and civil unrest.

Two different lessons from Libya and Yemen

Sana'a- Mar 9, 2011- As much as the revolutions in Tunisia and Egypt have grown closer to their happy endings, the situations in Libya and Yemen seem to be getting more difficult and complex and are heading toward vague or foggy endings that might extend the suffering of the people. The reasons that have mobilized and are still mobilizing the street in these countries are almost similar, but the circumstances in them are different, as each enjoys a different history, social structure, relations, and a particular level of concord between the components of this structure. There are also different cultures and relations with the region and the international community, and this can clearly be seen in the Jamahiriya and Yemen. Therefore, it would not be an exaggeration to say that the outcome of the action in each of these two latter countries will have negative repercussions on the popular action of any of their neighbors. Consequently, the Algerians, the Moroccans and others, will not be able to know in advance the outcome of any uprising or revolution – as was the case in Egypt and Tunisia - and will have to draw the Libyan and Yemeni lessons.

It has become clear that the Libyan regime cannot be easily toppled due to numerous factors, namely regionalism and tribalism, which are strongly denied by the Libyans, as it used to be the case of the Iraqis who got mad whenever they were told they were growing closer to division, the Lebanese style. And here they are today, seven years after the fall of Saddam Hussein’s regime, drowning in sectarian and denominational divide.

The rupture which currently exists in Libya between the East and the West, between Benghazi and Tripoli, brings back to mind a reality which prevailed not too long ago. Indeed, it revives the memory of the cultural, political and historical division between these two regions which were only unified mid last century, in light of the establishment of the United Libyan Kingdom proclaimed by King Idris as-Senussi to combine the three Libyan provinces. This is why the Eastern population rushed to restore the flag of the kingdom, leaving the flag of the Jamahiriya to the Westerners and South-westerners. This rupture divested the revolution of its peaceful character, as the Libyans aligned in two warring camps in a way rendering it difficult later on to come together again without there being bloodshed. Indeed, if the brigades and mercenaries of Muammar al-Gaddafi were to succeed – which is highly unlikely – the killing will continue. And if the revolutionaries win, they will also resort to retaliation against Gaddafi’s supporters who governed the country with steel, fire and humiliation throughout 42 years. In both cases, a lot of blood will be shed on the altar of change in the Jamahiriya, especially since the rebels are now carrying weapons and are training with army units that have joined their ranks.

Libya has entered a stage of mutual violence, which might take the shape of civil war if this stage proceeds without the rebels being able to settle the battle in their favor, using the support of all the measures adopted by the international community and especially the United States and the European countries. The problem with the Libyan rebels is that they want international help but not if it is similar to the one seen in the Iraqi case. They want the United States and the European countries to support them, but not in a way that makes them look as though they resorted to foreign assistance to topple Gaddafi. They want interference, but at the same time do not want it. Some are even cautioning that a foreign military interference will lead the situation in a totally opposite direction, i.e. that it might prompt the Libyans to rally around Gaddafi again! And although the Americans and Europeans clearly expressed their wish to see Gaddafi leave and are seeking his sanctioning and besieging, they are also expressing the difficulty of establishing an umbrella over Libya to prevent the regime from using its air force without there being a direct military interference by land or air.

Libya might turn into another Somalia on the shores of the Mediterranean, unless a rift occurs on the regime’s end at the level of the tribes which are still standing alongside it. Some Libyans – just like the Yemenis – are finding it difficult to relinquish a regime in which they have established power centers and secured the interests of the supporters, the fellow tribesmen and the sect. It is not easy for these beneficiaries to relinquish their interests, and they are as eager as the regime to defend the legitimacy which it no longer enjoys, neither domestically nor abroad. This is what implicated President Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali and later on President Hosni Mubarak, who tried to resist during the first few days of the revolutions in their countries while pushed by these power centers and the army of beneficiaries. However, their resistance came late. Today, the situation in Tripoli is similar to the situation in Sana’a, as neither Colonel Muammar al-Gaddafi nor Ali Abdullah Saleh will leave power, as long as there are forces that still believe it would serve their interests to see these regimes remain, or at least to see the improvement of the conditions of their departure.

But while Libya has entered the tunnel of mutual violence, the situation in Yemen might remain distant from the use of arms, as no one seems to want to resort to arms in a country featuring nothing but weapons. Moreover, no one seems to wish to engage in such an experience, out of fear of waking up the demons of tribal retaliations - both the old and the new – considering that if this were to happen, there would be no meaning for the change or the revolution. The situation in Yemen has its specificities since it has nothing to do with what happened in Tunisia and Egypt and what is happening in Libya. Indeed, the talk about civil war in Yemen is closer to an empty threat than to a reality on the ground, and even division seems highly unlikely. Moreover, the secessionism inclination which characterized the action of the Southerners was toned down, seeing how the secessionists are awaiting the outcome of the change which will sooner or later be witnessed in the country. Anarchy might escalate if the regime is unable to conclude a deal with its opponents, considering that even the latter are being preceded by the street, which is increasing its pressures on them. Indeed, the angry people are now imposing their agendas, far away from the parties, forces and tribes, which is why these forces are changing, along with their positions, on a daily basis.

So far, President Ali Abdullah Saleh has been listening without showing any cooperation with the proposals of the scholars association, as he does not seem to want to help find an exit to salvage the country from chaos or help anyone find a formula that would secure an honorable departure for him and maintain the dignity of his supporters. He can, instead of insisting on staying in his post until the end of his term, propose a middle ground solution and announce he will relinquish power before the end of this term. By doing so, he would be taking one step closer toward the proposal of the scholars association for him to resign at the end of the year, in the context of a timetable that will feature measures which will lead the country toward a climate of reforms, freedoms and participation in the authority and pave the way before parliamentary and presidential elections. Stubbornness will not to do the president any good, will prolong the suffering of the Yemenis and increase the problems of the authority which will not be able to continue governing no matter what it does and regardless of the enticements it offers – seeing how these enticements are no longer attracting anyone. Change in Yemen is inevitable, but in the context of a deal as it is recognized by the regime itself. Consequently, the question that is now on the table revolves around the timing of this change and the way it will be secured.

What is happening in Yemen may be getting wider international attention than what is happening in Libya, considering that the repercussions of the developments in the country on the entire neighboring region – from the Arabian Peninsula to the Horn of Africa – cannot be neglected. This is especially due to the fact that after Afghanistan and Pakistan, the country is almost becoming the number one base for Al-Qaeda organization. Chaos can only enhance the positions of the organization, which is something that cannot be accepted or tolerated by those engaged in a war against terrorism on the regional and international levels.

There is no arguing about the fact that the street will eventually win the wager, but at a very high cost. Neither Colonel Gaddafi nor Colonel Ali Abdullah Salah can stand in the face of the international will and the people’s desires. There is a particular social structure which is imposing its rules on the players in both countries, limiting their action, and setting difficult conditions in the face of the efforts to induce change. It also remains part of the balance of powers which extends beyond the domestic structure and affects the region that is subjected to an overwhelming storm of change which cannot be hindered by any obstacles or considerations, no matter how long it takes.

*Published in the London-based AL-HAYT on Mar. 8, 2011.

Two Al-Qaeda Militants Killed, another Wounded in Sa'ada Province

By Fatik Al-Rodaini

Sa'ada- Mar 9, 2011- At least two suspected Al-Qaeda militants were killed and another wounded in Yemen's northern province of Sa'ada during an exchange of gun fire between an armed group from Al Ates tribe in Ktaf district.

Ali Naser Al-Tes and Abdullah Hassen Al-Tes were killed and Aref Saleh Rashed wounded during the fighting between the two sides. No more details were reported.

Source: Yemen 24 News

INTERVIEW-Yemen's peaceful protests appeal to Shi'ite rebels

* Preacher says fundamentalist Sunni influence hurts Yemen

* Advocates Houthi rights through national dialogue

* Says govt has not rebuilt infrastructure in rebel towns

By Khaled Yacoub Oweis

SANAA- Mar 8, 2011- Yemen's northern Shi'ite rebels, inspired by Tunisia and Egypt, have stopped fighting the government and are joining to non-violent protests instead, a theologian with close ties to the rebels said on Tuesday.

The rebels, known as Houthis after their leader Abdel Malek al-Houthi, have fought the government on and off since 2004 in a conflict that even drew in neighbouring oil giant Saudi Arabia when Houthis briefly seized Saudi territory last year.

Abdulkareem Ahmed Jadban, who has mediated between the government and the rebels, told Reuters the Houthis have put down their weapons and joined nationwide peaceful protests that have swept Yemen demanding an end to President Ali Abdullah Saleh's 32 year rule.

"The examples of Tunisia and Egypt have been powerful. The Houthis have not fired a single bullet in the last several weeks. The have taken to the streets in Saada in their thousands like the rest of Yemen," Jadban said. But he cautioned that the non-violence could also be short-lived.

Yemen agreed a truce in 2009 to halt its intermittent war with the Houthis. But sporadic violence has continued, Jadban said, because Saleh is supporting a tribal figure in the Houthi stronghold of Saada.

"They still reserve the right of self-defence. The attack on them last week was unjustified. Saleh is trying to divert attention from the street rage he is facing throughout Yemen," he added, referring to an attack by the military on protestors that killed two in Saada, the Houthis' northern stronghold.

At least 27 people have been killed in Yemen since protests erupted last month. Saleh, a key U.S. ally against al Qaeda's Yemen-based wing, is refusing street demands to leave and has hinted that Yemen would fall apart without him.

The Houthis, Jadban said, want effective representation in a national dialogue to take place if the popular movement manages to remove Saleh from office.

Jadban was until recently a member of Saleh's ruling party, the General People's Congress Party until he resigned last week along with 11 other parliamentarians to protest Saleh's refusal to meet street demands to step down.

"Being in parliament was the only way to help the people of Saada because the ruling party controlled everything. No longer," said Jadban, who has written books on the sect of Shi'ite Islam known as Zaidism, to which Houthis belong.

Jadban believes the Houthis might gain more traction if Houthis relinquished their belief in an Imamate, where the ruler must be a descendent of Islam's prophet Mohammed. A Zaidi imamate ruled much of modern Yemen for more than 1,000 years until it was overthrown in 1962.

The Houthis are also deeply resentful of Saudi Arabia's promotion of its austere Salafi school and fear that this fundamental version of Sunni Islam threatens their identity.

Saleh, who is backed by the United States, is of the same minority Zaidi sect as the Houthis, but also receives backing from Saudi Arabia in the conflict.

A Qatari-brokered peace agreement last summer stipulated that the government should help with the reconstruction of Saada but Jadban said little effort was made to improve the lot of the province, which is more impoverished than the rest of Yemen.

"There is no electricity. The whole region is sinking in darkness," he said.

Source: (Reuters)